The slow application of the 1917 Constitution has been attributed to political obstruction and long-entrenched economic interests, as well as world events.
Carranza was more socially conservative than Madero but was more radical in his refusal to compromise.
Madero’s supporters included a broader range of Mexicans, including striking workers, miners, and local rebel leaders such as Villa and Zapata.
Zapata broke with Madero because Madero did not fulfill his promise to return land to the peasants, leading Zapata to feel disappointed and mistrustful.
The Plan de San Luis Potosí was a radical stance taken by Madero that included calls for armed insurrection against the Díaz regime.
Díaz responded to Madero's criticisms by jailing newspaper editors who supported Madero's views.
Madero promised to restore the land to those it was stolen from, which resonated with landless peasants, Indians, and village leaders.
The impending entry of the US into WW1 created a tight spot for Carranza, leading to a breakdown in relations between the US and Mexico.
Madero's initial aim was to be elected president using Mexico’s Constitutional electoral system prior to its abuse by Diaz.
Zapata hid in the mountains of Ayala near Pueblo due to conflicts with Madero's government.
Zapata initiated a legal defense and letter-writing campaign against the hacendados' takeover of land for sugar cultivation, but these efforts ultimately failed.
Obregon decided to go into retirement during Carranza's presidency, although he would eventually return to political life.
Porfirio Diaz released Madero from jail, feeling secure after his election 'win.'
Villa and Zapata initially recognized Carranza as the leader of the Constitutionalist armies against Huerta.
Emiliano Zapata was the Mayor of a village in the state of Morelos since 1909 and a prominent village leader who advocated for land restoration.
Carranza was elected president during a precarious situation in Spring of 1917, where he could be toppled at any moment.
Zapata worked to change the perception of Zapatistas from being viewed as bandits to being recognized as individuals fighting to reclaim land that rightfully belonged to them.
Zapata vowed not to be betrayed by Carranza.
The 1917 Constitution was significantly more radical than Carranza had expected, leading him to claim the right to discourage the implementation of articles he disagreed with.
The Plan de Guadalupe, issued on March 26, 1913, was a political document that declared Huerta's government illegitimate and named Carranza as the first chief of the movement, focusing on restoring constitutional governance without promises of social justice or land reform.
By May 1911, Diaz recognized the magnitude of the rebellion; he and his vice-president fled the country. Madero entered Mexico City, held elections, won, and assumed the presidency. Madero was now looked to by a majority of the population to fulfill his promise of a more egalitarian and democratic Mexico.
The Plan de San Luis Potosí is a proclamation issued by Francisco Madero and his supporters in October 1910, marking the effective beginning of the Mexican Revolution.
Madero aimed to promote democratic concerns and criticize the Díaz regime, advocating for social programs and electoral reforms.
After his arrest, Madero realized that a constitutional, electoral strategy would not be effective against Díaz's regime.
Many Mexicans today feel that the early promise of the Revolution and post-World War II economic prosperity gave way to institutionalized and authoritarian corruption and endemic social and economic inequality.
Madero’s challenge quickly ignited a grassroots movement of poor Mexican workers and peasants.
Zapata supported Madero as long as Madero kept his promise to return the land to the people.
The systemic purge under Huerta involved the elimination of civilians and politicians who had come to power under Madero, leading to the disappearance of journalists and local officials.
The 1917 Constitution established public education for all Mexican children, although it took ten years to fully implement.
Both Carranza and Madero came from wealthy landowning families and were aware of the conditions of peasants and workers in Mexico, expressing concern largely for political self-interest.
The Constitutionalists won due to their centralized organization, advantageous economic geography with access to lucrative ports, and support from the Americans, including US weapons.
Huerta was about to collapse as the Constitutionalists' armies were advancing.
Huerta's role in Madero's assassination was strongly suspected but never proven.
The revolutionary process involved differing scales of rebellion and violence, as well as enormous changes in society, education, culture, and perceptions of national identity.
A revolutionary document that called for an insurrection against the dictatorship of Porfirio Díaz, leading to the Mexican Revolution.
The Plan de Ayala established the Zapatistas as a national movement aimed at bringing down the Madero government and called for the expropriation of land from large landowners to distribute it to those in need.
The Plan de Ayala was a document issued by Zapata that called for the overthrow of Madero, reflecting Zapata's disappointment and mistrust after Madero failed to return land.
The main ideological difference lies in their goals: Constitutionalists sought to establish a constitutional government, while Conventionalists aimed for radical social reforms and land redistribution.
Federal institutions were charged with carrying out land reform and distribution as mandated by Article 27 of the 1917 Constitution.
Local caudillos were regional leaders who were discontent with the Diaz regime and sought to align with Madero's vision for change.
The groups unhappy with the 1917 Constitution included the Catholic Church hierarchy, supporters of the Catholic Church, hacendados (both foreign and national), mine and factory owners, and more radical peasants and workers seeking immediate redress of their grievances.
By 1910, Morelos produced nearly one-third of the sugar crop of Mexico, highlighting its agricultural importance.
The punitive expedition was a failure, resulting in the US army returning home and contributing to the breakdown in relations with Mexico.
The Anti-Re-Electionist Party was formed by Madero and supported by middle class professionals, legislators in congress, and cientificos who had become disenchanted with Diaz.
Zapata considered an alliance with Villa because Villa was confiscating property from Hacendados.
The 8-hour day established by Article 123 ensures that workers are not subjected to excessive working hours, promoting better work-life balance.
Article 123 provides the right to return to work after an accident or illness.
Madero is recognized for his accomplishments but criticized for failing to address the crucial issue of land reform for the landless. Additionally, there is a view that people were too impatient and harsh in their judgment of him.
Historians illustrate differing perspectives on Madero's legacy, often working from the same set of agreed-upon facts, highlighting the complexity of his role in the revolution.
The radical social reforms in the 1917 Constitution aimed to address land redistribution, labor rights, and social welfare, promoting equity and justice in Mexican society.
Carranza believed he could manipulate the election by choosing a candidate he could control, which ultimately led to his downfall.
Article 3 establishes secular and obligatory education in Mexico, marking a significant shift from church-controlled education.
The 1917 Constitution is the charter of Mexico that has been in effect since its adoption, outlining the fundamental laws and principles governing the country.
The Plan de Guadalupe was more politically narrow than Madero’s, lacking mentions of social justice or land reform and focusing solely on restoring constitutional governance.
The Plan de San Luis Potosí can be credited with uniting various social groups in Mexico and inspiring them to rise against the Diaz regime.
The party was aware that some reforms were needed to address peasant concerns.
The Plan de Ayala contributed to a severe crisis for the Madero government and instilled fear among landowners throughout Mexico.
Villa and Zapata ended their support for Carranza when it became clear that he sought no social or land reforms.
Article 123 includes protections for female workers such as maternity leave and pregnancy protection.
The Constitutional Army was formed by Carranza in 1913.
Carranza was unable to co-opt the popular leaders, Villa and Zapata, even after Huerta’s defeat.
Huerta's government was characterized as more of a military dictatorship, with 19 out of 27 states having a General as Governor.
Zapata recruited landless peasants, villagers, and disgruntled hacienda workers who had been forced into debt peonage.
Zapata's stirring speeches helped him to raise armies.
The 1917 Constitution is a document adopted in February 1917 that established free and fair elections, a federal system, and democratic rights, along with unique and radical provisions, making it the most democratic constitution in the world at that time.
A declaration of principles and demands written by Zapata and local leaders, outlining their vision for Mexico.
Carranza was named as the first chief of the movement in the Plan de Guadalupe.
The Zimmerman telegram was significant as Mexico declined the proposal, further straining US-Mexico relations during Carranza's presidency.
The Plan de Ayala is a document issued by Emiliano Zapata that called for the overthrow of President Madero due to his failure to return land to the peasants.
There was ongoing war in both the North and the South.
Venustiano Carranza was a leader of the Constitutionalist armies during the Mexican Revolution, initially recognized by Villa and Zapata.
Article 123 mandates equal pay for equal work, regardless of sex or nationality, promoting gender and racial equality in the workplace.
Francisco (Pancho) Villa and Emiliano Zapata were prominent leaders of the armed guerrillas in rural areas during the Mexican Revolution.
The central pillars of the Plan de Guadalupe were authority and a reformed constitution.
The Plan de Guadalupe did not call for social reforms.
Zapata focused on the injustices in Morelos, particularly how hacendados had taken lands, advocating for the rights of small farmers and villagers against large landowners.
Article 27 allowed private investors to exploit the subsoil resources but prohibited them from owning the subsoil itself.
Madero's campaign resonated with younger politicians, teachers, middle-class professionals, students, evicted ranchers, low-paid factory and mine workers, and landless peasants.
It proposed free and fair elections as part of the revolutionary agenda.
He was in line to inherit the fortune of the 5th richest family in Mexico.
The endorsement of the Plan of Ayala indicated a shift in support towards Villa, aligning the convention with his revolutionary goals.
He broke with Porfirio Diaz but believed in the necessity of strong authority to guide Mexicans towards legal and constitutional change.
Congress announced that Diaz had won the 1910 Election by an overwhelming majority, which was widely regarded as fixed.
Carranza was the only governor to reject Huerta's rule.
The 1917 Constitution led to significant conflict with the Church, which Carranza attempted to address by delaying constitutional changes.
Carranza initially supported Madero but later became critical of his approach to maintaining elements of the Porfirian political machine.
The Plan de Ayala was significant because its radicalism elevated the Mexican Revolution, emphasizing land reform and the rights of peasants.
The Plan de Ayala was a revolutionary document that called for land reform and aimed to address the grievances of peasants and indigenous people in Mexico, contributing to the crisis of the Madero government.
Huerta used repression, censorship, and military intervention to pacify the country.
Article 123 grants workers the right to organize unions or professional associations and the right to strike.
The army that fought against the Federal Army and later the Villistas and Zapatistas, formed in 1913 by Carranza as a response to the murder of Madero.
At first, there was support from Villa and Zapata, but they soon turned against the Constitutionalists after Huerta’s defeat in 1914.
The Plan of Agua Prieta was issued by Obregon, calling on Congress to establish an interim government until fair elections could be held.
The large turnouts indicated widespread support for Madero among various social groups, reflecting a collective desire for change against the Diaz regime.
'Effective suffrage - no re-election', which emphasized the importance of fair elections and opposition to re-election.
His reading about the brutal treatment of demonstrators and the Creelman interview in 1908 inspired him to enter politics.
Article 123 established labor rights in Mexico, including a maximum workday of eight hours and protections for workers through unions.
The decrees of the convention represent an agreement among revolutionary factions to adhere to a unified set of rules and decisions to avoid conflict.
The Application of the 1917 Constitution refers to the political changes that increased the power of the executive, eliminated the office of vice-president, and reduced the power of the legislature, giving Carranza more constitutional power than Diaz had enjoyed.
Bernardo Reyes was a military leader and political figure in Mexico who became sidelined during the political maneuvers of President Díaz, leading his supporters to align with Madero.
The Partido Liberal Mexicano (PLM) is a political party formed in 1901 that aimed to promote liberal reforms in Mexico.
Francisco Madero was a wealthy landowner and intellectual who joined the Partido Liberal Mexicano and later became a key figure in the Mexican Revolution.
The 1917 Constitution reinforced a mother's authority over her minor children, legalized divorce, granted equal rights to adopted and birth children, and limited child labor, although some women felt the laws did not go far enough.
Carranza's ideologies included a critical stance towards Madero's willingness to maintain elements of the Porfirian political machine, emphasizing that a revolution that makes concessions commits suicide.
The split was characterized by differences in class, political ideology, geographical interests, and personal rivalries among leaders.
Madero fled to San Antonio, Texas after being released from jail.
Article 123 protects workers against firings without just cause and prohibits retaliation for union membership.
Article 123 stipulates that overtime must be compensated at a 100% increase in pay.
The Plan de Guadalupe was a political plan that called for armed resistance to Huerta under Carranza’s leadership, supported by powerful leaders from Sonora and neighboring states, and pledged free elections once peace was restored.
Madero promised a return of the lands stolen by the hacendados, which gave the Revolution its radical social dynamic.
Alvaro Obregon was the President of Mexico from 1920 to 1924 and is considered one of the most successful generals of the Mexican Revolution.
Zapata's method was to arm villagers into small guerilla armies, recruiting supporters from landless peasants, villagers, and disgruntled hacienda workers forced into debt peonage.
US President Woodrow Wilson refused to recognize Huerta's government, raising questions about whether his stance was based on democracy or business interests.
Madero was 37 years old in 1910 when he decided to run for President.
There was an intense nationwide crackdown after the plans were confiscated.
A key figure in the Mexican Revolution who initially supported strong authority for constitutional change and later rejected Huerta's rule as president.
The conflict between the Constitutionalists and Huerta, with support from hacendados and foreign business interests.
Francisco Madero was jailed on June 26, 1910, by Diaz for charges of sedition, insulting authorities, and inciting rebellion.
Land reform was a crucial cause for the call to arms by the Zapatistas and Villistas, addressing their grievances regarding land ownership.
The debate between federalism and a strong central government, highlighting differing visions for Mexico's political future.
Diaz imprisoned more radical members of the PLM, while others fled into exile to escape persecution.
The violent phase of the Revolution refers to the initial period of armed conflict during the Mexican Revolution, characterized by significant social upheaval and struggles for power.
Only Mexicans and Mexican companies have the right to acquire ownership of lands and waters as per Article 27 of the 1917 Constitution.
Huerta's government was a strongman regime that made no pretence of democracy, abolishing Congress and arresting some members.
The Plan de Ayala made land reform a permanent feature of Mexican politics.
Article 123 includes social security benefits for occupational hazards, illness, old age, and death.
Zapata broke with Madero due to Madero's failure to fulfill his promise to return land, leading Zapata to call for Madero’s overthrow in the Plan de Ayala.
The Constitutionalists were a faction led by figures like Venustiano Carranza and Alvaro Obregon, advocating for a constitutional government and the rule of law during the Mexican Revolution.
Ejidos are communal lands with roots in the Aztec Empire, later formalized under Spanish rule, which were described and respected under Article 27 of the 1917 Constitution.
Zapata wanted the villages of Morelos to be free from interference from Mexico City.
Challenges included resistance from landowners, political instability, and varying interpretations of the Constitution's provisions, which hindered the full realization of its reforms.
Zapata famously said: 'It is better to die on your feet than to live on your knees.'
Article 3 represented a triumph over Carranza’s more conservative views by promoting secular education against the Church's influence.
The implementation of Article 3 was uneven due to budget issues, with Carranza allocating only 1% of the federal budget to education.
In 1908, Madero spent time writing a short book on Mexican history, reflecting his intellectual engagement with the country's political issues.
The 1917 Constitution abolished re-election, which was a significant political change aimed at preventing the concentration of power in a single individual.
Carranza used his increased constitutional power to launch military attacks against Villa and Zapata, although he did not fully succeed in ending violence in the countryside.
Díaz responded by announcing his reelection and began to crush opposition, particularly focusing on Bernardo Reyes.
Madero adopted the same slogan as Díaz, which reflected the political climate and the challenges he faced in distinguishing his platform from that of the incumbent president.
Secular education refers to education that is free from religious influence, ensuring that all children receive a non-religious education.
It signifies the urgent need for social and political reforms that were expected to be addressed following the adoption of the Constitution, although these changes did not occur smoothly.
Mythologized refers to the process of creating and promoting narratives around the Revolution that serve to support the political agenda of the ruling party, particularly the PRI.
Huerta's actions during the Decena Tragica created the Revolution’s first martyr in Madero, inspiring many to continue fighting for revolutionary ideals.
Wilson claimed that stability, order, and progress were about to be restored in Mexico following Madero's death.
They were executed by firing squad.
Article 123 is the first constitutional provision to incorporate labor rights, providing legal protections for workers, including protections against firings, an 8-hour workday, equal pay for equal work, and rights to organize unions.
The Revolutionary governments brought forth dramatic economic change and an aggressive push toward modernity.
Madero’s movement was based on the elites’ desire for democratic electoral reforms and democratic forms of government.
The goal of the Zapatistas in the Plan de Ayala was to establish a national movement to overthrow the Madero government and reclaim lands for redistribution.
The Conventionalists were a faction led by leaders such as Pancho Villa and Emiliano Zapata, focusing on land reform and social justice, often opposing the Constitutionalists.
Carranza fled the capital after being accused of betraying the Revolution and faced opposition from Obregon, who had announced his candidacy for the presidency.
The 1917 Constitution included provisions for land redistribution to benefit peasants and indigenous communities, aiming to dismantle large estates and promote agrarian reform.
The US Navy and Marines landed in Veracruz to seize arms shipments from Germany during the tensions surrounding the Mexican Revolution.
Article 3 faced much opposition from the Catholic Church, which had historically controlled education in Mexico.
Pancho Villa and Emiliano Zapata were key revolutionary leaders in Mexico who led rebellions against Huerta's government in the states of Chihuahua and Morelos.
Article 3 was implemented over several decades, indicating a gradual process rather than immediate change.
The Plan de Ayala was used as the blueprint for Article 27, influencing its provisions on land reform.
The Carrancistas opposed the adoption of Article 27 in the 1917 Constitution.
Obregón called for the state to reject and fight Huerta after the Ten Tragic Days, a violent conflict in Mexico City in February 1913.
More progressive members of the Convention supported addressing the grievances related to land reform, which was a key issue during the revolution.
Huerta was exiled with assistance from Germany and Britain, indicating international involvement in the Mexican Revolution.
They were threatened by the provisions of the 1917 Constitution, particularly those regarding oil and natural resources.
Zapata was actively engaged in military operations, taking advantage of the situation created by the US invasion of Veracruz.
No, many Zapatistas and Villistas felt that the Constitution did not adequately address their demands for land reform and social justice.
Article 27 declares that all contracts made by former Governments since 1876, which resulted in the monopolization of lands, waters, and natural resources by a single person or company, are subject to revision.
Zapata led repeated attacks on federal troops and moved closer to Mexico City.
There were many Madero appointees who remained in positions of power, influencing the political landscape after his murder.
Article 123 requires that wages must be paid in legal money at the time of earning.
Article 123 includes protections against child labor, ensuring the rights and welfare of minors in the workforce.
The most important area of need for Madero was land reform for the landless, which he failed to adequately address during his presidency.
Huerta's policy of amnesty involved granting legal immunity to rebel fighters and offering them cash to secure their support.
The implementation of the 1917 Constitution marked a pivotal moment in Mexican history, establishing a framework for social justice and governance that sought to rectify the inequalities exacerbated by the revolution.
Zapata had no desire to rule Mexico.
The main aim of Zapata's army was agrarian reform and reclaiming their lands.
The plan called for land to be returned to dispossessed peasants and Indians.
Carranza supported Article 123 despite its tendency to favor industry owners and hacendados, hoping it would create labor peace and stability.
US Ambassador Wilson described Madero as a 'lunatic' and stated that he must resign.
Huerta and Felix Diaz teamed up against Madero, leading to increased bloodshed and political instability.
The process of implementing the provisions of the 1917 Constitution in Mexico, which aimed to address social change in various areas such as agrarian, political, labor, and economic sectors.
McLynn referred to Huerta as a 'Treacherous, Serpentine, Monster of Perfidy'.
Madero's support primarily came from urban professionals and working-class supporters, who were seeking political change.
Madero left the PLM in 1909 because he rejected the more radical elements that had emerged within the party.
Oil constituted 25-30% of Mexico's economy at that time.
Huerta had to reposition his forces to prepare for a potential conflict with the US, affecting his military strategy.
Madero and his cabinet were imprisoned following the coup.
Madero had to deal with rebellions in seven separate states due to the effects of the Plan de Ayala.
A location where forces retreated 150 miles North after being defeated while opposing Huerta in 1913.
'No re-election' was Madero’s initial challenge to Diaz, advocating for democratic electoral reforms.
The insurrection marked the beginning of the Mexican Revolution, although Madero's initial efforts to gain armed supporters did not materialize as planned.
The Plan de Guadalupe was supported by hacendados and foreign business interests.
Article 27 had an enormous impact on landless peasants and village communities, allowing for the theoretical restitution of lands taken by hacendados and respecting communal landholdings known as ejidos.
A revolutionary document that called for free and fair elections, a call to arms against the corrupt Diaz government, and the return of land to dispossessed peasants and Indians.
Madero became the most prominent figure in opposition literature, engaging in speaking tours to rally support against the authoritarian regime.
Madero went to lengths to reassure Mexicans and foreigners that a state of law would be preserved and elections would be held.
Key features included the establishment of free and fair elections, a federal system, and democratic rights, along with several unique and radical provisions considered progressive for that time.
Álvaro Obregón was a self-made farmer who became wealthy by inventing a new way to harvest chickpeas and later rose to prominence as a talented military officer during the Mexican Revolution.
The Plan de Guadalupe was a political plan signed by Carranza and supported by Obregón, aimed at rejecting Huerta's regime and restoring constitutional order in Mexico.
Obregón joined the Sonoran state militia to fight against Orozco, demonstrating his commitment to the revolutionary cause after not participating in Madero's revolution.
Madero won the election in 1911, supported by Carranza.
Article 3 calls for free and secular (non-religious) education for all Mexican children, mandating 4 years of elementary school education for children aged 6 to 15.
Carranza aimed to implement the reforms outlined in the 1917 Constitution and stabilize the country after the revolution.
Zapata continued to battle the hacendados in court, using impassioned speeches to influence judges and delay decisions that favored the hacendados.
On Feb 18, 1911, Huerta staged a coup.
The Plan de Ayala led to Zapata commanding the Liberating Army of the South and resulted in rural leaders in Chihuahua and Durango pledging to defend it, causing Madero to face rebellions in seven states and Zapata to lead attacks on federal troops.
The Revolution has often failed to deliver true and lasting positive change for the majority of Mexicans due to ongoing social inequalities and political corruption.
A political party led by Madero that campaigned against the re-election of incumbents and promoted the idea of effective suffrage.
A political principle advocating that elected officials should not serve consecutive terms in the same office.
Being named Vice President was seen as a compromise, reflecting the competitive political landscape of the time.
Madero was opposed to the authoritarian tendencies in Mexico, advocating for democratic reforms.
The purpose was to unify the factions and coordinate their efforts to prevent a Civil War.
The eight-hour workday set by Article 123 was a significant labor reform that provided protections and benefits to Mexican workers, which were not common in the rest of the world at that time.
Carranza refused to resign and retreated to Vera Cruz, indicating his determination to maintain power.
Villa and Zapata planned a joint military campaign aimed at overthrowing Carranza and his constitutional armies, united by their mutual opposition to him.
After the 1910 Election, Diaz prepared for his eighth term as president of Mexico.
The Decena Tragica refers to a ten-day period in February 1913 during which a coup led by Victoriano Huerta resulted in the overthrow of President Francisco Madero.
The literacy rate at the time was 20%.
Madero achieved the overthrow of the Porfiriato and introduced democratic reforms in Mexico.
Diaz announced that all lands taken in the past 40 years would be returned, but this was met with skepticism by Zapata.
Zapata commanded the Liberating Army of the South following the Plan de Ayala.
The assassination was made to look like a gunfight, which became the official government story.
The state militia was well organized and ready to pick up rifles again to oppose Huerta.
Zapata's defeat of Diaz at Cuautla led to Diaz fleeing Mexico, which opened the door to Madero's presidency and the opportunity to fulfill the promises of the Plan de San Luis Potosí.
Victoriano Huerta was a Mexican military officer and politician who served as President of Mexico and was known for his authoritarian rule and the fraudulent election that led to his presidency.
The delegates included young professionals, representatives of small businesses, workers, conservative Carrancistas who wanted to avoid social reforms, and believers in the Plan de Ayala advocating for land reform.
Article 27 is a provision that addresses land reforms, declaring public ownership of all land and serving as a response to the grievances of the Zapatistas and Villistas.
Article 8, which led to real land redistribution in Morelos, emphasizing agrarian reform.
Tensions between Carranza and Villa, reflecting the broader conflicts among revolutionary factions.
Huerta resigned on July 15, 1914, following mounting pressure from revolutionary forces.
There were concerns about whether Madero's focus on democracy would provide substantial benefits to miners, railroad workers, and other labor groups.
Article 27 states that ownership of lands and waters within national territory is originally vested in the Nation, which can transmit title to private persons. It restricts ownership to Mexicans and Mexican companies, prohibits religious institutions from acquiring real property, and allows for the revision of contracts that led to monopolization of resources since 1876.
Liberal intellectuals generally viewed the Church with skepticism, advocating for a separation of church and state and promoting secularism.
The ownership of oil was a major source of friction in US-Mexico relations.
Villa's División del Norte captured Zacatecas despite Carranza's orders to refrain from doing so, showcasing Villa's military prowess.
The arms embargo imposed by President Woodrow Wilson in August 1913 was a significant action that escalated tensions between the US and Mexico, as it aimed to undermine Huerta's government.
Article 123 allowed unions to effectively protect workers from being fired and gave them control over hiring, firing, and disciplinary procedures in factories and mines.
A meeting of revolutionary generals to decide the political future of Mexico after Huerta's ousting, where Villa and Zapata sought to form a new government.
Madero, as the democratically elected President, was outraged by the actions against him and the political machinations of Huerta and Diaz.
There was an expectation for significant social change in Mexico following the 1917 Constitution, particularly in agrarian, political, labor, and economic areas, due to the scars left by ten years of social unrest.
The Flores Magon brothers influenced the PLM to become more radical by 1903, promoting anarchist-oriented ideas.
Zapata began to arm local volunteers to defend local lands against hacendados and external threats.
The 1917 Constitution served as a model for other Latin American countries, promoting social justice, land reform, and labor rights.
Mexico was the world's second largest producer of oil in 1919.
Federal forces abandoned Morelos, likely due to the shifting military priorities and pressures from various revolutionary factions.
Rural leaders in Chihuahua and Durango pledged to defend the Plan de Ayala.
Huerta was turned to by Madero to lead the army of the Capital during a time of political turmoil.
The core tragedy is the civilian deaths resulting from artillery fire, referred to as 'shelling', from both sides.
Groups that emerged during the Mexican Revolution advocating for a decentralized government and local autonomy, often in opposition to centralist forces.
The 1910 Election was significant as it marked a pivotal moment in Mexican history, where the legitimacy of the election was questioned due to allegations of being fixed, leading to increased tensions and the eventual Mexican Revolution.
Villa's capture of Zacatecas marked a crucial victory in the Mexican Revolution, demonstrating the strength of revolutionary forces and advancing the cause against Huerta's regime.
Villa and Carranza publicly agreed to convene a national convention of rebel leaders to unify efforts against Huerta and to eliminate all remnants of the Huerta and Porfirian conservative elements.
The challenge was transforming the written provisions of the 1917 Constitution into practical laws, which required the existing political institutions of various states to enact them.
The Bucareli Agreement was a resolution by Mexico's Supreme Court that addressed the oil issue, allowing the US to support Obregon against de la Huerta.
Lecumberri prison is the location where Madero and Pino Suárez were assassinated.
90% of Mexicans were Roman Catholic.
Historians' interpretations have evolved due to new research, changing political contexts, and differing perspectives on the Revolution's impact and legacy.
Wilson gave tacit approval for the murders of Madero and Pino Suárez.
Once the election was over, Madero was released from jail, as Diaz's regime believed the coast was clear, but tensions remained high.
The next phase of the revolution involved a conflict between constitutionalists and conventionists, highlighting the differing visions for Mexico's future.
Many delegates were middle-class professionals and intellectuals who reflected anti-clerical sentiments, leading to the establishment of secular education.
The PRI emerged as the ruling party that institutionalized the Revolution's ideals while often distorting its original goals to maintain political power.
Foreign investors were generally apprehensive about the 1917 Constitution due to its provisions that limited foreign ownership of land and resources.
Obregón was racing down from the North to reach Mexico City before Villa, indicating a competitive and strategic military maneuver.
The result of these challenges was a slow and difficult process in achieving the expected social changes, as it proved to be easier to write the constitution than to implement its provisions effectively.
Francisco Madero was a Mexican revolutionary leader who overthrew the Porfirio Díaz regime and served as President of Mexico until his assassination in 1913.
The Plan de San Luis de Potosí was issued by Madero and called for the return of lands, which resonated deeply with Zapata and other village leaders.
Article 27 prohibits religious institutions from acquiring, holding, or administering real property.
Mexico needed US and British financing to expand oil production.
Wilson invited Huerta and Diaz to the embassy to determine who would be the interim president, with Huerta ultimately winning.
Zapata’s army defeated Diaz at Cuatala, demonstrating their military strength and resolve.
He led his forces to the state capital but was defeated and forced to retreat.
